The Establishment: A Pakistani Archetype


Written by Abdullah Qureshi

“The power of a popular delusion lies in its ability to tap into the deepest fears, desires, and insecurities of a society, offering a false sense of security or hope in the face of uncertainty.”

Charles Mackay (1832)

Over the course of Pakistan’s history, many institutions have been critiqued. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto laid much of the blame on bureaucratic corruption. As soon as Bhutto took power, he fired 1,300 civil servants without a hearing. This is testament to his disdain for the CSP cadre (Ansari & Bajwa, 2019).

Then, the Shareef brothers have at multiple times put the blame on impartial judicial processes. More recently, Imran Khan (and much of the military presidents) blamed politicians for Pakistan’s dire economic straits.

Many of these critiques are fair.

However, there is one institution, universally lambasted since the beginning of this country.

The establishment.

The establishment is considered to be the ultimate boogieman. It is an organization which topples powerful governments, controls politics from the barracks and eats up all the resources. Politicians seem to fear the establishment. Those who seem to go against their plans are ousted from office on bogus charges. Worse, they are often exiled and some are killed.

Here are some questions for people who prop up this image of ‘the establishment’:

Do the cases against politicians hold merit?

If the person you oppose was charged with a similar crime, would it still be as unbelievable?

Do you believe the establishment should be neutral?

Has your ‘political favorite’ committed acts that undermine the security of your country?

Is the government machinery free of corruption, in general?

If you genuinely take the time to answer these questions you will realize one very important thing.

Human beings are biased. According to Lawrence Kohlberg (1963), a renowned developmental psychologist, humans start adhering to a moral view of the world, fairly early in their lives. By the early adolescence, they start developing the conventional morality. They subscribe to societal norms because they allow them to function. This social teaching predisposes us to have certain biases.

It is very easy to stay at the conventional stage. It is very easy to label things as ‘good’ or ‘bad’. In fact, doing so would allow you to stall cognitive dissonance for a long time.

Until, you are forced to encounter reality.

The reason why the ‘establishment’ is the villain, is because it is easy to consider them so.

If we accept that the establishment is to blame for everything, we allow ourselves freedom to not think.

Why would anyone want to think about their own sins? Sins that they can be held accountable for.

Often in Pakistan, when someone talks about the establishment, they refer to the military. They think back to the 3 decades of military regimes in Pakistan’s history. There is no question that such breaks in democracy do make governance difficult.

However, is it not true that political actors have played a fair share in impulsive decision-making? Is it not true that counterproductive policies, like the creation of the Federal Security Force in the 1970s, did more harm than good?

A sitting prime minister decided to head to the streets because a new army chief was being instated. If this is the regular behavior of a prime minister, many political idiocies can be justified.

One also has to wonder whether prime ministers are afforded license to kill. If not, then how can anyone justify a Prime Minister’s orders to stop a plane in mid air, carrying the chief of the army?

While the prime minister is the top official, he is not allowed to have someone killed. Just letting you know, in case we have forgotten basic values at this point.

More educated and aware journalists and academics also talk about the role of the judiciary and/or the bureaucracy. However, in some ways, they commit philosophical suicide when they still use the word ‘the establishment’.

The Sapir-Whorf hypothesis argues that the language we speak determines our experience (Sapir, 1836). There is also the psychological concept of self-fulfilling prophecies. If you keep repeating to yourself that something will happen, that something eventually does happen.

‘The establishment’, has unfortunately become a part of our language. We have accepted the complete dominance of one institution. The establishment has been the boogieman for too long a time.

To find a solution to the political instability in Pakistan, it is important to break the archetype of the establishment. Are we sure that civilian governments have delivered what was required of them? Are we sure that the red tape in the bureaucracy is justified? Are we sure that the judiciary is impartial?

Statistics point towards one single answer: no.

In 2023, Transparency International Pakistan (TIP) conducted a National Corruption Perception Survey (NCPS). The results are very telling.

According to the National Corruption Perception Survey 2023, the police are still the most corrupt department (30%). Tendering and Contracting came in at number two (16%), and the judiciary came in at number three (13%).

None of these sectors consider themselves part of the establishment. 

Yet, they are infringing upon the boundaries of their professions which are specifically meant for justice.

Has the establishment pointed a gun to their heads and made them glutton down resources?

The establishment is the altar where we wash our sins as a nation. It does not exist.

Political power does. The prime minister does, and so do the other two heads of the three arms of the state. Military influence on governance is undeniable. As undeniable as the forfeiture of responsibility demonstrated by officials involved in corruption.

By assigning the establishment the responsibility of corruption, poor governance, we allow many people to be free of accountability. For they too blame the establishment on one hand, and slacken their own responsibilities with the other. Sadly, the very beneficiaries of the status quo lambast those who they consider more powerful than them.

Politicians and officials cannot remain within conventional morality. They might blame others for the debacles we are in, but they did choose to be in this position. Hence, we cannot blame the establishment.

We can only blame ourselves.

However, I am not optimistic about the people of Pakistan relinquishing their archetype of the establishment. As a practicing clinical psychologist, I believe we as people can improve. Warped beliefs are difficult to treat.

References

  • Ansari, S. H., & Bajwa, F. (2019). HIGHER BUREAUCRACY IN PAKISTAN: AN HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF PRAISE AND BLAME. ISSRA Papers11(I), 73-96
  • Kohlberg, L. (1963). Moral development and identification.
  • Mackay, C. (1932). Extraordinary popular delusions and the madness of crowds. Noonday Press. 
  • Sapir, E. (1836). Sapir–Whorf Hypothesis.
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I am a clinical psychologist and I am completely devoted to my profession. Currently, I teach psychology to undergraduate students at Government College, Renala, Okara.


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